1999 JCPA Leadership Mission

October 29-November 5, 1999

ABOUT THE MISSION

The top leaders of the JCPA traveled to Israel last fall to meet with the then new Prime Miniter and his developing administration. At the time, the big Israel-related issue in the United States was the administration’s request to the Congress for an appropriation of $1.9 billion over three years in support of the Israeli-Palestinian Wye River agreement. The aid package, most of which was earmarked for Israel and the remainder to go to Jordan and the Palestinians, had gotten caught up in tensions between the President and the Republican-led Congress. Since the mission, the Wye River package was included in the final foreign aid bill.

Unfortunately, Prime Minister Barak’s schedule precluded a meeting with the JCPA’s leadership. He spent most of that week in Oslo meeting with Chairman Yasser Arafat and President Bill Clinton in an effort to jump-start the Israeli-Palestinian permanent status negotiations. But the mission participants met with many of Barak’s cabinet ministers, the Attorney General, the ambassador-designate to the United States, opposition figures, Palestinian leaders, U.S. diplomats, Israeli and American journalists, Middle East scholars and others.

"…less tension in the country.."

As usual, the JCPA leaders started out the program hearing from and exchanging views with the Israel representatives of several JCPA national member agencies, AIPAC and the United Jewish Communities. American Jewish Committee’s Yossi Alpher indicated that in the "short term, there clearly has been less tension in the country, which is due in part to a difference in leadership style. Barak," he continued, "seems to have learned from the divisiveness of the Rabin/Peres era and is consciously trying to avoid a repeat of their mistakes." In the medium term, he asserted, "we should keep our eyes on the referenda and Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon, both of which represent important crossroads in the peace process and the Israeli political scene." The idea of a referendum "is based on an understanding that a 61/59 vote in the Knesset -- the margin in support of the Oslo Accords -- is not a sufficient basis to go forward on final agreements with Syria and the Palestinians." Recognizing that this is the new "organizing principle" of political life and the peace process, he said, "Ariel Sharon already is visiting the States to learn more about conducting a campaign to defeat a possible referendum." Barak, Alpher observed, probably would like to hold one referendum that deals with the Palestinians, Syria and Lebanon, rather than splitting them up.

The Prime Minister, he observed, "is standing by his campaign pledge to withdraw from southern Lebanon by July 2000 with or without an agreement, even though most military people feel it would be a mistake to withdraw unilaterally." In terms of the long-term challenges, he stated, "as Israel moves toward peace with its neighbors based on territorial compromise, it also is heading toward a nuclear Middle East in which either Iran, Iraq, or both, will possess weapons of mass destruction."

"…the peace process has become boring."

Rabbi David Clayman of the American Jewish Congress added that for most Israelis "the peace process has become boring. The public is more interested in the criminal investigation of Israeli business man Ya’acov Nimrodi." Barak, he said, has been keeping things so quiet that the Prime Minister is known widely as "hamardim haleumi," the national anesthesiologist. In a recent poll, he told the mission participants, 89% of the Israeli public expressed satisfaction with the way the country was going under the new government’s leadership. AIPAC’s Wendy Singer stressed the "positive relationship" Barak already has managed to establish with the U.S. Congress.

"Because civil marriage does not exist in Israel, the Palestinian Authority has even offered to conduct marriages between Jews and non-Jews."

Rabbi David Rosen, ADL’s representative in Israel, focused his remarks on domestic concerns. "Pluralism," he declared, "is a moral option and pragmatic necessity." Israel, he observed, is a "society increasingly looking inward where we are deeply fragmented." Barak, he asserted, has built the broadest political base possible -- including Meretz, the National Religious Party and Shas -- which could unravel over the religious pluralism issues. "A de facto pluralism is emerging," he argued, "the result of over one million Russian olim (immigrants) a significant portion of whom are not Jewish." The pews of the Russian Orthodox churches in Israel are full, he said. "Because civil marriage does not exist in Israel, the Palestinian Authority has even offered to conduct marriages between Jews and non-Jews." The Israeli rabbinical establishment’s days are numbered, according to Rosen. "They continue to play a zero sum game, which will result in the total loss of power." Menachem Revivi, head of the UJC’s Israel office, declared that "Israel has reached a turning point in its relationship with the Diaspora." Not only does Israel now have a minister working on world Jewish affairs, a special division has been created in the Ministry of Education to deal with Jewish education abroad, he pointed out. "In addition," he told the mission participants, "the government has made a commitment of $70 million in support of the Birthright program, which brings American Jewish youth on visits to Israel of varying periods of time."

Religious Status Issues

Rabbi Andrew Sachs, director of the Conservative movement’s Rabbinical Assembly in Israel, asserted that "converts in Israel under non-Orthodox auspices still are not being registered as Jews even though the Supreme Court has said they should be." The Supreme Court, he told the mission participants is scheduled to hear a case involving thirteen children adopted abroad who were converted at Kibbutz Hanaton, "the only location in Israel in which the Conservative movement has access to a mikveh." (While the mission was in Israel, the Court deferred hearing that case and other conversion cases until April 2000.) Non-Orthodox rabbis, he noted, are still not able to perform recognized marriages in Israel.

"Many of the leaders of the new government say that the struggle for pluralism should wait until after the peace process has been conclude, a position we totally reject."

Rabbi Uri Regev, director of the Reform movement’s Israel Religious Action Center (IRAC), indicated that the conversion issue has become even more problematic. Under the old system, he explained, overseas conversions under non-Orthodox auspices were recognized under civil law, but not by the religious authorities. Local non-Orthodox conversions were not recognized at all. "The Ministry of Interior under Natan Sharansky now has created a third category, the so-called ‘hopping conversions’, which recognizes a convert from outside Israel only if that individual can demonstrate that she or he had become an integral part of the community where the conversion took place." The IRAC, he noted, is representing the case of a woman who was converted by an Orthodox rabbi in the U.S., but was rejected by the Ministry of the Interior because she hadn’t spent enough time living in that rabbi’s community. "The same situation applies to babies adopted and converted by Orthodox rabbis outside of Israel," he said. Regev observed that Dr. Yossi Beilin, Israel’s Justice Minister, recently published a book entitled Death of the American Uncle in which he asserts that Israel has two gifts to give to the Jewish people around the world. They are "a successful conclusion to the peace process and the introduction of religious pluralism in Israel. And the transformation to pluralism, Beilin argues, will require the active support of Diaspora leadership." Many of the leaders of the new government say that the struggle for pluralism should wait until after the peace process has been concluded, he stressed, "a position we totally reject."

"…we are encouraged by recent court rulings dealing with state funding of all the religious streams."

On the positive side, Regev observed, "we are encouraged by recent court rulings dealing with state funding of all the religious streams." In addition, there is a major push underway to develop an "alternative marriage" for all the people who cannot get married in Israel under the current system. "And we have more active partners in the policy arena, particularly Beilin, education minister Yossi Sarid and Rabbi Michael Melchior, Minister for World Jewry." Melchior’s view, he said, is that "the Beit Knesset, not the Knesset, should determine who is a Jew."

Interior Minister Natan Sharansky told the delegation that the task of finding an agreed upon modality for conversions is critical. "In recent years, some fifty percent of the immigrants from the FSU are non-Jewish, and there are eighty thousand legal foreign workers in the country." Israel, he stated, "either has to change the Law of Return or find some other way to deal with this situation." The way to go here, he stressed, "is not through the courts or legislation, but compromise." There are one hundred conversion candidates studying in the joint Jewish studies institutes, he reported, which grew out of the Ne’eman Committee process. "It is my hope that we can expand this to two thousand students next year and twenty thousand in three years." Ultimately, he said, "I think we should set them up in the FSU." Attorney General Eli Rubinstein, whose office handles religion and state cases for the government, believes that "if we use common sense most of the issues can find reasonable arrangements."

"…to save Israel as a secular, liberal, open-minded country against the onslaught of the haredi parties that want to put us back in the ghettoes of Europe and Casa Blanca."

Shas, he predicted, would leave the coalition government within six months and he will be asked to join. "We fully support the peace process and I will accept Barak’s invitation," he said.

Yoseph (Tommy) Lapid, head of the new Shinui Party that surprisingly won six seats in the Knesset, asserted that his campaign was based on one issue – "to save Israel as a secular, liberal, open-minded country against the onslaught of the haredi parties that want to put us back in the ghettoes of Europe and Casa Blanca." These parties argue, "we have to choose between being Jewish and Western." Shinui, he stressed, stands for the proposition that we can be both. While he supports separation of religion and state, Lapid observed that he is "less militant than the American fathers." Jews, he pointed out, "are the only group in the world that cannot separate nationality from religion." If there was a total separation, he maintained, "the Law of Return, which gives preference to Jews, would not have standing." This would destroy the basic foundation of the country, he said. Rather he prefers to divest religion from the state’s "pocket." The public, he stated, "should not be asked to finance or over-finance religious institutions." He also indicated that his party would fight for civil marriage in Israel, "the only modern Western country not to provide such an option." In terms of army service, which he described as "the backbone of our social consciousness," Lapid said he wants "the people in B’nai B’rak and Jerusalem to be as worried as the rest of the country when seven soldiers are reported killed in Lebanon." Shas, he predicted, would leave the coalition government within six months and he will be asked to join. "We fully support the peace process and I will accept Barak’s invitation," he said.

Exploring the Shas Phenomenon

Daniel Ben-Simon, correspondent for the daily newspaper Ha’aretz, asserted that the "new political powers in Israel are Shas, the Russians, the Haredim, and the Arabs." The "founders" are a vanishing breed, he declared. Even if the Knesset decided to repeal the direct election of the Prime Minister, he stated, "we will not return to the old system of Labor and Likud dominance. Israel has moved from ideology politics, which for many years was defined by the divide between left and right on the Arab-Israeli conflict, to identity politics." Shas, he said, is about internal, not external concerns. "The new issue," he said, "is how Israel will live with itself, not with its neighbors. That is what the last election was all about." To underscore the political revolution that has taken place and the "collapse of the old system," Ben-Simon reminded the mission participants that in the 1981 election Labor and Likud garnered a total of 96 seats in the Knesset. In the last election, they came away with a total of only 45 seats. On the other hand, Shas has grown from 4 seats in 1984 to 17 today.

Shas, Ben-Simon observed, "is more of a social movement than a political party. For many it is a delayed reaction to the way oriental Jews were absorbed in the 1950s." While Shas is an ultra-Orthodox party, more than sixty percent of its voters were "secular" Sephardim. The party’s gain has hurt Labor and Likud, mostly Likud, he pointed out. "The spiritual leader behind the scenes, the one who has led the Sephardic revolution, is Rabbi Ovadia Yoseph." While he is a

"Shas was created in Israel; the Ashkenazi movements are products of Europe."

"In essence," he argued, "the future of Shas is the future of Israel."

dove on the peace process, and Barak will need his support there, "the priorities are social and economic." Taking advantage of Israel’s "tribal system of education," in which each group maintains separate and distinctive schools, Shas has evolved an effective educational and social structure in Israel’s poor neighborhoods. "It is a mini-state within the state." The future of the movement is uncertain, he noted. "They don’t know what to do with their enormous power. Many want to be part of Israeli life, unlike the anti-Zionist Ashkenazi haredim who prefer to live in ghettoes. Shas was created in Israel; the Ashkenazi movements are products of Europe." Some want computers, he said, others reject the new technologies. "In essence," he argued, "the future of Shas is the future of Israel."

According to Ben-Simon, "rhetorically Shas is anti-Reform and Conservative Judaism, but its leaders are generally more pragmatic and accepting of religious differences."

Eli Yishai, head of the Shas Party and Minister of Labor and Social Affairs, began his discussion with the mission participants, which was conducted through a translator, by praising the work of the JCPA. "The effort to protect human rights and dignity," he declared, "is the basis of all Torah teaching." When the rest of the world sees organizations such as the JCPA, he remarked, "It results in an improved attitude toward the entire Jewish people." He expressed satisfaction in the diversity within the new government. "This is a good basis for acting on the Prime Minster’s goal to bring the Israeli people toward a greater sense of unity." Shas is unfairly described by some as extremist, he observed. "But we do feel an obligation to preserve the Jewish character of the state. We are not telling people how to live their lives," he continued, "but in our view the pillars of Judaism should serve as the pillars of the Jewish people."

The Shas educational system is trying to prepare its students to function in a world of modern technology, he asserted. "There is a misconception that the ultra-Orthodox community does not want to enter the labor market. If we properly invest in their training and education, they will do so." When asked about relations between Ashkenazim and Sephardim, Yishai responded, "some Israelis are still racist and this can disturb the general atmosphere. However," he said, "the most important thing is deeds, not what people think or say about the issue." In regard to the controversy over conversion, he noted, "Rabbi Ovadia Yoseph says that it is important to be as lenient as possible – as long as the solution meets the minimal requirements of Jewish law."

In Jerusalem

Haim Ramon, Minister for Jerusalem affairs in the Prime Minister’s office, declared that the policy position of the Israeli government is quite clear on Jerusalem. "The city must be united under Israel’s sovereignty." The problem, he said, is that there is a de facto division of the city between east and west. "There is a huge gap in the infrastructure, standard of living, municipal services, and the traffic systems." Furthermore, he explained, the Jewish population (today 68.4%) is decreasing relative to the Arab population (31.6%). "If current trends continue, the ratio in 2010 will be 60/40." Many young couples are reluctant to live in Jerusalem, Ramon told the mission participants. "Housing is very expensive and good jobs are hard to find." It is easy to get political declarations, Ramon lamented, "but harder to get a budget that can make the city an attractive choice for Jewish residents. For Jerusalem to be a capital city," he asserted, "we need more capital." The way Israel has treated the Palestinians living in the city is wrong, he acknowledged. "It isn’t right morally, or wise politically." Ramon praised Ehud Olmert’s decision to make major infrastructure investments in East Jerusalem. "If we don’t act now to address these concerns, the result is inevitable. If we lose Jerusalem, history will never forgive us." When asked what he thought about the issue of moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, especially the timing of such a move, Ramon declared, "it is the government’s position that all embassies belong in Jerusalem."

Richard Roth, Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv, was asked whether he thought President Clinton might order the embassy to be moved to Jerusalem following the signing of a framework agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. Roth indicated that he doesn’t know what the president will do, but "he will probably wait until there is some clarity in a final agreement." The U.S., he added, owns a piece of land in Talpiot, which is in West Jerusalem. "However, it will take six years to complete construction on a new facility that could house the embassy."

Peace Process: Palestinian Perspective

John Herbst, as U.S. Consul General in Jerusalem, is responsible for maintaining regular communication with Chairman Arafat and other senior officials of the Palestinian Authority. He was with Arafat on the night of Israel’s election and reported, "the PLO leader was in a very good mood." Arafat, he said, described the results as "the right Prime Minister and a peace oriented Knesset. I tried to limit his expectations." He became extremely restless during the period of government formation, he said, "with settlement activity continuing and reports that Barak wanted to delay implementation of the Wye River agreement." His mood improved considerably after the signing of the Sharm-el-Sheik agreement, Herbst indicated, when Barak agreed to an expansion of the Wye commitments in exchange for a delay in its implementation. In the last few weeks, he observed, "Arafat’s mood has taken a turn for the worse again because of the establishment of forty-two new settlements since the Wye agreement was signed." While Barak has agreed to dismantle twelve of them, "the Palestinians see this as legitimizing the other thirty."

"…[a] soft authoritarian vehicle, which prefers to co-opt rather than repress."

When asked about the status of democratic institution building in the Palestinian community, Herbst described the PLO, the key governing structure, as a "soft authoritarian vehicle, which prefers to co-opt rather than repress." Arafat, he maintained, will manage to keep control as long as he lives. The succession is fairly clear, he said. "The number two is Abu Mazen and Abu Ala, speaker of the Palestinian parliament is three." The parliament, he noted, could become the "embryo of a Palestinian democracy." The U.S. aid program, he assured the mission participants, is geared toward democratic institution building. The PLO position on Hamas, he asserted, is that a distinction is made between "the political arm, which is ok, and the military wing, which is not."

"We are supporting a just peace process, enhancing the substance of and constituency for peace."

Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, former Minister for Higher Education in the Palestinian Authority, met with the group in her new institute in Beit Hanina, Miftach: The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy. She explained that Miftach seeks "to build alternatives to corrupt nationalist regimes and Islamic fundamentalism in the Arab world; to enhance democratic nation building based on the rule of law and respect for human rights." In addition, she stated, "we are supporting a just peace process, enhancing the substance of and constituency for peace." The institute, she continued, "has organized committees of experts to develop positions dealing with the permanent status issues." Ashrawi noted that she maintains good relationships with Chairman Arafat and the Palestinian Authority (PA), "even though we disagree on some issues." There is only one female minister in the PA and 5 women in the Palestinian parliament, which has 88 members, she noted. "This is very disappointing and we are trying to increase the participation of women in public life."

"…history must be based on truth not myths."

"People-to-people programs sponsored by government bodies as a result of political agreements are not the best way to develop closer relations between our two nations," Ashrawi declared. "The authentic dialogues were between Israeli peace activists and Palestinian intellectuals in the 1970s and between Israeli and Palestinian women in the 1980s," she asserted. One mission participant expressed concern over the resistance of Arab intellectuals and professionals to pursue normalization with Israel. "We should distinguish between communication and normalization," she responded. "Dialogue is essential but normalization may have to wait until the peace process is completed.’ In response to a question about anti-Israel material in Palestinian schools, she said, "I haven’t seen racism or the negation of Israel in text books. There was an instance of a school girl singing an anti-Israel song on Palestinian television, but this has not been repeated." A member of the JCPA delegation expressed concern about a map near the entrance to the institute entitled, "Zionist invasion of 1948," which he argued was inconsistent with the new spirit of peace and reconciliation. This map, she pointed out, "shows the Arab villages and towns destroyed by Israeli forces inside the Green Line during the 1948 conflict." If there is to be peace, she argued, "history must be based on truth not myths."

The JCPA delegation also met with Dr. Mahdi Abdul Hadi, Director of the Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA). "The Palestinians have accepted that they cannot undo Israel," he asserted, "and the 1967 borders are all we can expect at this point." The mutual recognition in Oslo was a breakthrough, he said, "but the real challenge is finding the way to implement it." Prime Minster Barak, he said, "suffers from a military mentality. He’s more interested in signing a peace treaty with Syria."

The tough positions espoused by Ashrawi and Abdul Hadi had a sobering effect on the mission participants. Full reconciliation between the Israeli and Palestinian peoples clearly will require considerable time and effort. Important steps in that direction are being taken by Seeds of Peace, an organization that has sponsored a summer camp in Maine for Israeli, Palestinian and American youngsters since 1993. The JCPA leaders had an opportunity to visit the organization’s new Jerusalem headquarters, which is intended to be a place where Palestinian and Israeli teens can continue to deepen their relationships. The group discussed the challenges of seeking "normalization" with an Israeli and a Palestinian who both had gone through the camp program in Maine, the camp director and other officials associated with the program.

Peace Process: Government Perspective

"The peace process is like a car that consumes a lot of gas. America can help supply the fuel."

The mission participants met with a number of ministers and senior officials in the new Israeli government. Dr. Yossi Beilin, Minister of Justice, stated, "the Palestinian solution is known. The only question is whether the sides will have the political courage to achieve it." As Justice Minister, Beilin is responsible for drafting the legislation that will structure the referenda on Israel’s agreements with Syria and the Palestinians, assuming the negotiations are successful. This will be a three-part process, he indicated. "First, the government will be asked to ratify the agreements, then the Knesset will vote on them." The last step will be the two referenda, he said, with a simple majority vote required for passage." Israeli law mandates a referendum if the government wishes to relinquish sovereign Israeli territory, he pointed out, which means that it may not be necessary for the Palestinian track since Israel never extended its law to the West Bank and Gaza Strip. "But Barak made a commitment to do so and the government will uphold this." In response to a question about the involvement of the Jewish community, he asserted, "the Jewish world will be involved." The peace camp will help the peace movement, he maintained, and the anti-Oslo people will help the Israeli opposition. "U.S. support is vital," he stressed. "The peace process is like a car that consumes a lot of gas. America can help supply the fuel." While American Jews are encouraged to participate in the debate and take whatever position they wish with members of Congress, Beilin added, "it is inappropriate for Israeli citizens to try to undermine the government in Washington. "The Israeli left didn’t seek to frustrate Prime Minster Shamir’s efforts to obtain loan guarantees for immigrant absorption."

Deputy Defense Minister Ephraim Sneh expressed confidence that an agreement can be reached with the Palestinians. "They understand by now that they will not get 100 percent of the West Bank, the refugees will not be allowed to return to their homes inside Israel, and Jerusalem will remain entirely in our hands." Under the UN Partition Plan, he told the mission participants, "the Palestinians could have gotten 44 percent of Palestine. Now they won’t get more than 17-18 percent." Israel would permit the Palestinians to have a "viable state" because, he said, "that will make the peace more stable." Sneh was more pessimistic in regard to the Syrian track. "If Assad is ready to make peace, Israel will be prepared to leave the Golan as long as it receives strategic assets in return." Sneh delineated the reasons why the Wye River package before Congress was so important. "The aid is needed for the redeployment of Israel Defense Forces’ bases from the West Bank to Israel, the escalation of anti-terrorism measures, and the building of an answer to the new strategic threat posed by Iran and Iraq that will increase following further withdrawals." Perhaps the most important aspect of Wye, he stressed, "is the credibility of the U.S. government, which had made the commitment."

Deputy Foreign Minister Nawaf Masalcha, the highest-ranking Israeli Arab in the government, expressed satisfaction with the way the Wye River agreement was being implemented. However, he did say that the objective of reaching a permanent status arrangement with the Palestinians in 2000 was "doubtful," given the complexity of the issues to be addressed. "It is better to reach agreements with Arafat and Assad," he asserted, "because of their powerful positions."

Opposition Perspective

Uzi Landau, member of Knesset from the Likud Party, admitted that the policy differences between Labor and Likud are more "diluted" today. "Our political consensus -- on Palestinian statehood, Arafat, the need to keep the Golan and Jerusalem -- was destroyed in 1993," he declared. Netanyahu broke his promises and "simply extended Rabin’s policies." The Wye Accord, he asserted, " is just a negative continuation of the Oslo process." That is why Likud lost the election, he maintained. "We had no credibility." At Camp David, he argued, "first the sides agreed on an overall framework and then negotiated the details. In the Oslo Accords everything was left open-ended."

When asked to spell out Israel’s "red lines" as he sees them, Landau asserted, "we should: hold on to the Golan Heights, keep Jerusalem and oppose Palestinian attempts to consolidate their position in the city, maintain security zones in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, permit the settlements to remain, and oppose Palestinian statehood." Barak’s intention to "separate" from the Palestinians in the territories makes sense, he told the mission participants, "but it will not solve the demographic problem, which exists throughout the country, particularly in Jerusalem and the Galilee." On the issue of U.S. aid, he argued, "Israeli and Palestinian assistance should be de-linked." When challenged about Likud representatives coming to Washington to lobby against the Wye package, Landau stated that he personally supports congressional approval of the Wye money. "But let’s also recall that Labor dignitaries lobbied Congress against absorption loan guarantees during the Shamir years."

Journalists’ Roundtable

"… the concept of partition, dividing the land between Israel and the Palestinians, is a ‘done deal.’"

"The only person he [Barak] trusts is the Defense Minister"

Three journalists – David Makovsky, editor of the Jerusalem Post, Akiva Eldar, political correspondent for Ha’aretz, and Lee Hockstader, Israel correspondent for the Washington Post – joined the JCPA delegation for an exchange of views about key issues facing Israel and the peace process. Makovsky asserted that the concept of partition, dividing the land between Israel and the Palestinians, is a "done deal. The hardest part, the details of that division, are still ahead." Barak, he noted, is trying to create a de facto consensus in a highly polarized society. "He is doing this by building a broad-based government." Barak wants to negotiate by himself. "The only person he trusts is the Defense Minister (Barak is both Prime Minister and Defense Minister), whereas Arafat trusts Abu Ala, speaker of the Palestinian parliament. "It is clear that Barak made a conscious decision to subordinate domestic issues to the needs of the peace process, which is why he brought the religious parties into the coalition." He may have to pay a price with Jewish groups in the U.S., "but he’s ready to pay it." On the Palestinian side, Makovsky told the mission participants, "we should pray for Arafat’s health. He is the only leader with the authority to make an historic compromise with Israel.

Barak, according to Eldar, "wants maximum Jewish approval for the deal. That is why he is paying as much attention to marketing the agreement as he is to producing it." Hockstader expressed some doubt about whether the Israeli public was ready for the concessions Barak will have to make. "I’ve also talked to Barak’s people," he noted, "and they are actually far from discussing issues like Jerusalem." The Palestinians, he observed, "are not yet mature enough to deal with their myths." The Israelis, on the other hand are, "as demonstrated by Education Minister Yossi Sarid’s urging schools to reflect on the massacre of civilians by Israeli troops in 1956 in Kafr Kassem."

Strategic Challenges

The JCPA leaders had an opportunity to meet with General (Res.) David Ivri, the first Jewish group to do so following his appointment as Israel’s Ambassador to the United States. The room, in which the meeting took place, he noted, was the location where Ben-Gurion convened the first government. However, he said, "Israel is trying to deal with the future not the past." There are, he asserted, conflicting trends in the region. "On the one hand, you see poverty, tremendous population growth, scarcity of water, low oil prices and radicalization of the intellectual classes. Globalization would have a major opening up influence on the region’s culture, but Islamic fundamentalists are seeking to prevent this from occurring and pushing toward extremism." On the other hand, "there are those who are seeking to find ways of living together and raising the standard of living."

Another serious trend, he declared, "is the race to acquire weapons of mass destruction." The day before our meeting with Ivri, Israel successfully had tested an ARROW anti-missile missile. "This is not a panacea," he stressed. "We need active defense capabilities as well. In addition, we must continue to work on developing a boost phase intercept, which would enable us to attack already launched missiles on the territory of the aggressor." He described Israel’s National Security Council, which he will be leaving to take up his post in Washington. In Israel, it is very different from the U.S. NSC. "Here, the staff makes recommendations to the government that integrate military and non-military elements. We take into account education, economy, tourism, etc." The government’s ministries understand the need for this integrated approach, "but they are still nervous that we will detract from their authorities and budgets."

Alon Snir, who serves in the Foreign Ministry’s Disarmament and Arms Control Department, said Israel prefers to deal with arms control in a regional rather than international context. Iraq, he observed, signed the nuclear proliferation treaty (NPT), but was on the verge of building a bomb. Iran also has signed international agreements and ignores their requirements. "Israel wants regional agreements," he stressed, "so that we can participate in monitoring their implementation." The regional discussions have been frozen for the last three years, he pointed out, "because Egypt insisted on starting with the nuclear issue."

Professor Ephraim Inbar, head of Bar Ilan University’s BESA (Begin-Sadat) Center for Strategic Studies, asserted that, "there is both good and bad news with respect to Israel’s strategic situation." On the positive side, he cited U.S. hegemony in international affairs, the erosion of Arab petrodollar wealth, and a peace process that can reduce the chances of a military confrontation. Israel, he asserted, aspires to an "armed peace," the kind of arrangement we have with Egypt. "Nobody trusts nobody in the Middle East," he told the mission participants. Another favorable development is the emerging alliance with Turkey, he added, "NATO’s strongest military besides the U.S." On the other side of the ledger, Inbar pointed to Iran and Iraq. Attempts to stop their efforts to acquire weapons of mass destruction have failed, he concluded. "It’s only a matter of time." Israel should distinguish between Iran and Iraq, he observed. "Iran, which is anti-Arab, may have reasons to be allied with Israel. But this is still a regime to be afraid of." Israel’s ability to affect its strategic environment is limited, he suggested. "Arms control is not the answer; a real change awaits the change of regimes in these two countries."

Absorption, Ethiopian Jewry and the Falash Mura

The delegation met with representatives of the Ethiopian coalition in Israel, including Anat Penso and Matti Elias (JDC-Israel), Shoshana Ben-Dor (North American Conference for Ethiopian Jewry) and Uri Tamiat (Israel Association for Ethiopian Jewry). Penso briefly described the work of the education coalition, citing the effort to provide overall strategic planning at the national level and coordination at the local level. She praised the Cleveland federation for its early childhood program in Be’er Sheva, which "has made an enormous impact on the Ethiopian children in that city." Ben-Dor referred to the coalition task force established in the spring of 1998, which was assigned responsibility for working with the Ministry of Education. "It is clear," she said, "that the government has invested a lot of resources in education, but apparently without the desired impact." According to the Education Ministry, some 230 million shekels are spent on Ethiopian education annually. "The task force," Ben-Dor asserted, "began to analyze how much of the money was actually getting to the field and the effectiveness of the programs." Recommendations recently were made to the government that would establish mechanisms to better control and review how these funds are spent, she reported. "It is difficult for the ministries," she acknowledged, "to accept that people from the outside could do things. Advocacy by the JCPA and others has been very helpful in getting the government to respond." Tamiat indicated that the focus on education is important. "However," he observed, "we need to address problems with housing and unemployment as well," which he told the delegation is close to 80 percent in the Ethiopian community. "If a child lives in a ghetto with an unemployed father, it is hard to learn." Elias maintained that the responsibility for "closing the gap" lies with the Israeli government, the Diaspora and the Ethiopian community itself. "Our leaders need to be more accountable for what goes on at the local level," he stated.

"The violation of human rights of new immigrants is a big issue in Israel today."

Absorption Minister Yuli Tamir told the delegation "the violation of human rights of new immigrants is a big issue in Israel today." Such violations, she indicated "include police abuse, closing of shops because of the sale of non-kosher food, expulsion of children from school, and denial of the rights of citizenship because documents are under suspicion of being forged." A national campaign is being launched, she said, to encourage immigrants, defined as people in the country for less than ten years, to use her Ministry as a source of support in such situations.

With regard to the Ethiopian community, Tamir maintained that her biggest concerns are housing and unemployment. "My objective," she stressed, "is to work with all the relevant ministries, especially the education Ministry, in developing a holistic plan to deal with these issues over the next four years." As a start, she noted, "we need to complete evacuation of the caravan sites." She described Givat Hamatos, the site outside Jerusalem, as a "disgrace." The cost of evacuating the remaining caravan sites is $21 million, she said. Israel is getting an "inner city" phenomenon, she observed, with falling housing prices and homogeneous neighborhoods. "We’re experimenting with a program in which veteran Israelis are helping immigrant families to find suitable apartments in mixed neighborhoods."

The official unemployment rate is only 11 percent. "But that is based on those who have applied for a position," she asserted, "and many in the Ethiopian community do not even apply." Unlike the Russian immigrants, she continued, "Ethiopian women almost never seek employment." Language is a major problem as well, she pointed out, although young Ethiopians generally speak better Hebrew than the Russians. "The Russians have their own television station, newspapers, etc., while the Ethiopians do not." There is a growing resentment in the country against all the immigrants, she told the delegation, especially the Russians. "There is a feeling that they are not willing to integrate into Israeli society, they bring violence and compete against veteran Israelis for a limited number of jobs." The challenge, according to Tamir, is "to create a multi-cultural society Israel style -- a pluralistic environment in which each group retains its language, customs and history, but also develops a shared identity with all Israelis." The dilemma, she maintained, is in defining "the core Israeli identity." Jewishness may not be a cohesive enough identity, she asserted, "especially at a time that many arriving in Israel under the Law of Return are not even Jewish."

Tamir agreed with the JCPA policy position on the Falash Mura – that the Israeli government had a responsibility to expedite the review of immigration applications in Gondar and Addis Ababa and to bring over those deemed eligible as quickly as possible. With regard to the members of this community not eligible under the Law of Return, Tamir said "we have an obligation to help them get established in Ethiopia without having to return to their villages." She said that to the best of her knowledge, Interior Natan Sharansky had agreed to send additional personnel to Ethiopia to speed up the aliyah process.

The delegation had a meeting with Natan Sharansky immediately following the session with Tamir. Sharansky asserted that, in principle, he "supports sending additional government representatives to Ethiopia, provided that the funds to do this will be forthcoming from the Finance Ministry." He expressed some unhappiness with the way this issue has unfolded. Under the Rabin/Peres government, he pointed out, the Falash Mura in the Addis compound were being checked on a case by case basis and coming at a rate of about fifty per month. "Against the establishment position, I fought to bring over all four thousand people left in the compound on a humanitarian basis whether they were eligible or not, and then to have everyone else checked individually." All the parties agreed to this plan, he asserted, including the activist groups. "Now we see new compounds with eight thousand in Addis and ten thousand in Gondar. If we bring these eighteen thousand, fifty thousand will take their place." According to Sharansky, "those who predicted that there would be no end to this, unfortunately, turned out to be right."

Jewish Agency Chairman Salai Meridor agreed that those in Ethiopia eligible for citizenship should be brought over "sooner rather than later." He indicated that the last of the Quara Jews, some 4-500, would be brought to Israel by the end of 1999. He also discussed the "serious crisis" facing the Jewish community of Argentina. "The Jewish Agency is investing $4 million there annually and has set up a special task force to look at this issue."

Israel 2000 – A Catholic Perspective

"There is practically no dialogue here, even on such important issues as peace in the Holy Land."

Archbishop Sambi, the Vatican’s ambassador to Israel, asserted that relations between the Holy See and Israel have not been entirely smooth. But this is a good sign, he said. "A flat line means your dead. When the line goes up and down, it means you are alive." He expressed envy in regard to the state of interfaith dialogue in the United States. "There is practically no dialogue here, even on such important issues as peace in the Holy Land." The chief rabbis, muftis in Jerusalem, and Christian leaders, he lamented, "have said very little if anything in support of the peace process." A final settlement will be "just signatures on a piece of paper," he stated. "To be real peace must pass from the paper to the heart, and religious leaders have a role to play there."

Sambi touched on a number of issues related to the millennium in Israel. "The Pope," he told the mission participants, "established the Holy Land as one of two poles for Catholics during the Jubilee, the other being Rome." In September, he noted, "the Pontiff received three young people from the Holy Land – Jewish, Muslim and Christian – and asked them to bring back a message of building peace together." There are other ideas, including a "match of the heart," which would bring Italian soccer stars to join in a match between Israel and the Palestinians. "Shimon Peres has suggested that each side be comprised of Israelis, Palestinians and Italians so that everyone would win." No doubt the hotels will be full, he said, and Christian pilgrims will see holy places and stones, but not many people. "A visit here is not complete without contact with Judaism and Islam." He urged the delegation to reach out to the American Christian community to make sure that their programs in the Holy Land include meetings with Jews and Muslims as well as Christians. He expressed concern about a growing attitude by some Israeli officials that "behind every tourist is a potential terrorist." Sambi acknowledged that are legitimate security issues, but the "Israelis should not carry this too far."

He spoke at some length about the controversy in Nazareth. "The problem started when a decision was made to raze a school located in front of the Basilica of the Annunciation." The idea, he explained, was to expand the plaza in front of the church to facilitate access to pilgrims expected to visit the city. Then an Israeli official from the previous government, not the Muslims, suggested that a mosque be built there to show visitors "the reality of Nazareth." Extremist Muslims in the surrounding villages have put up tents and are using loudspeakers to "insult Christian visitors." Last Easter, several pilgrims were beaten, he added. "Now the Barak government admits the previous government erred and is trying to find a solution to "this hot potato." The new proposed compromise, he indicated, is to permit the building of a mosque in 2001 further away than the area now being occupied by the Muslim radicals. "I don’t understand why Israel is being so kind to this radical group. This policy will be a danger to Israel itself." From the Vatican’s perspective, he stressed, "we won’t accept any mosque in that holy place." A number of Muslim leaders oppose the mosque, he told the delegation, but will only say so privately.

In terms of Jerusalem, the Vatican, he said, "is not interested in the political aspects – jurisdiction, whether it is divided or united." Rather, he continued, "our position is there should not be absolute authority because that would favor one community over the others." The city, he asserted, "should have a special status with international guarantees." An international body "should supervise the holy places to assure access and proper maintenance." Because there are diplomatic relations, he noted, the Pope would meet with Israeli President Ezer Weizman in his residence. When the Pope visits the "occupied" part of Jerusalem, he will be "surrounded only by religious figures, not political leaders from either side."

Update

Since the mission there have been important new developments in the peace process, particularly the renewal of Israeli-Syrian negotiations, the first since prior talks broke off in 1996. In addition, Israel has implemented further redeployments in the West Bank pursuant to the Wye and Sharm-el-Sheik agreements and, with the Palestinians, is seeking to reach a framework agreement on permanent status issues by February 2000. A number of Jewish public affairs groups have launched efforts to persuade Congress that the current initiatives are contrary to Israeli and American interests. As the mission participants learned, Prime Minister Barak is dedicated to finding formulas that will enable Israel to reach final peace agreements with all its neighbors. This will require active U.S. diplomatic involvement in helping the parties to bridge differences over enormously complex and sensitive issues. And it also will require the economic and military support of both the administration and the Congress once agreements are reached. The JCPA delegation returned to the U.S. with a better understanding of the issues to be addressed and of the important role the field of Jewish community relations will be challenged to play in the year ahead to win congressional and public support for the peacemaking effort. In addition, mission participants gained valuable insights into the new strategic challenges facing Israel, especially the proliferation of missile technology and weapons of mass destruction in the region.

As always, the mission program explored a number of domestic issues affecting Israel, including the relationship between religion and state and challenges in absorbing new immigrants. The JCPA leaders continued to deepen their understanding of the internal dynamics of Israeli social and political life, and to grapple with the question of how the American Jewish community can most effectively join in the process of enhancing the quality of life for all in the Jewish State.

The JCPA expresses its appreciation to the United Jewish Communities – especially Yuval Kraemer in Israel and Adina Zarchan in New York – for assistance in coordinating the hotel and airline arrangements and the mission program.