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The
American Jewish
community feels a profound identification with Israel, a deep commitment
to its survival and security, and an abiding concern with events
and forces that affect its future. American Jews, and Americans
generally, understand that long-term national interests of the United
States and Israel coincide – a premise underlined by Israel’s important
role as America’s only politically stable and militarily effective
ally in the Middle East, and reinforced by the unique cultural affinity
between the two countries. Reflecting this recognition, all American
administrations have been committed to Israel’s security and survival.
However, the vigilant involvement of the American Jewish community
has been a vital factor fostering policies toward that end.
Peace
Process
Changing
Conditions
The
historic Israel-PLO agreements have instilled the peace process
with renewed momentum. As Israel and the PLO implement the transition
from Israeli administration in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to Palestinian
self-rule, these longstanding adversaries are seeking to build an
effective partnership in matters affecting security, economic and
social affairs. Among the challenges confronting them in this complex
transition are escalating terrorism perpetrated by Islamic extremists
and other Palestinian groups as well as sporadic violence by Israelis
seeking to derail the peace talks. There are increasing efforts
to achieve a breakthrough in the Israeli-Syrian track, as concerns
grow over Syria's military threat and its capabilities to disrupt
Israel's negotiations with other Arab parties. The United States
continues to play a central role in facilitating the bilateral talks
and in organizing international diplomatic and economic support
for the peace process. Progress in the multilateral working groups
continues to enhance the overall peacemaking environment.
Background
The historic
breakthrough that took place on the White House lawn on September
13, 1993, when Israel and the PLO signed the Declaration of Principles
(DOP) and mutual recognition agreement, continues to reverberate
throughout the Middle East and the world. Under the mutual recognition
accord, the PLO recognized the right of the State of Israel to exist
in peace and security, accepted UN Security Council resolutions
242 and 338, committed itself to the peace process and to a peaceful
resolution of the conflict through negotiations, and renounced the
use of terrorism and other acts of violence. In addition, the PLO
pledged to submit to the Palestinian National Council amendments
to the Palestinian Covenant (PLO Charter) to make it consistent
with the mutual recognition agreement. Israel recognized the PLO
as the representative of the Palestinian people and a partner for
negotiations. The Israel-PLO rapprochement has led to the signing
of an agenda for peace between Israel and Jordan that is the framework
for a peace treaty, improved diplomatic and economic relationships
with a number of countries, and provided new impetus to the multilateral
working groups which focus on regional concerns.
The present
focus of the peace process is aimed at nurturing the successful
implementation of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles.
On May 4, 1994, Rabin and Arafat signed an agreement for the Palestinian
interim self-government authority and Israeli withdrawal from the
Gaza Strip and Jericho, marking the first stage of implementing
the DOP. Following the completion of Israeli withdrawal from those
areas, the self-governing authority is to be extended to the other
parts of the West Bank, and elections for a Palestinian Council
are to be held. This Council will form the core of the Palestinian
team that will negotiate the permanent status of the territories.
It is hoped that permanent status talks will begin no later than
April 1996, which is two years following the original target date
for Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and Jericho areas, and
conclude by April 1999. The issues of Jerusalem, refugees, settlements
and borders will be taken up in the permanent status talks. Underlying
the Israeli-Palestinian peace effort is the most basic challenge
of transforming the psychological environment from one of hatred
and suspicion into trust and cooperation. It is hoped that the permanent
status talks will be held in a positive atmosphere that will build
upon the success of the interim self-government authority and the
experience of Israeli-Palestinian relations under this arrangement.
Israelis
and Palestinians together face two primary challenges in seeking
to make their new relationship a success. First, in terms of security,
both Israel and the PLO now face common threats from Hamas and other
radical Islamic fundamentalist groups as well as from several PLO
factions who continue to reject peace with Israel. While an increase
in terrorism was anticipated following the Israel-PLO agreement,
terrorist attacks claiming the lives of Israelis as well as Palestinians,
including officials close to Chairman Yasser Arafat, have challenged
both Israel and the PLO to find ways to reenforce security. Concerns
have been expressed about Chairman Arafat's ability to curb terrorism
and about the capability of the Palestinian police force to provide
law and order. These security concerns are felt most acutely by
the Jewish settlers in the territories, some of whom have been responding
with acts of violence against Palestinians. Under the Declaration
of Principles Israel maintains full responsibility for security
of all Israelis living in the territories. How Israelis and Palestinians
in the territories interact will affect the evolution of Israeli-Palestinian
relations during the five-year interim period.
The tragic
assault at the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron in late February,
1994, in which Israeli settler Baruch Goldstein murdered 30 Moslem
worshippers, shocked the Israeli people as well as American Jewry,
and further delayed the process. Prime Minister Rabin called for
the continuation and even acceleration of the peace process as the
best response to those who seek to undermine the process through
acts of terrorism. The Israeli government also cracked down on Jewish
extremists, including outlawing the Kach and Kahane Chai groups.
PLO Chairman Arafat agreed to send Palestinian negotiators back
to the table following the adoption by the UN Security Council of
a resolution condemning the Hebron massacre. The U.S. abstained
from parts of the resolution it opposed, including a reference in
the preamble to Jerusalem as "occupied" territory. The Administration
decided not to veto this part of the resolution because it believed
such an action would have complicated efforts to resume the Israel-PLO
negotiations. Israel and the PLO agreed on new security arrangements
for Hebron involving Israeli forces, Palestinian police and an international
presence, a plan consistent with the DOP.
The second
primary challenge concerns economic development in the Gaza Strip
and the West Bank. Recognizing that fundamental and visible changes
in the quality of life of Palestinians in the territories is essential
to ensuring success in the Israeli-Palestinian track, the United
States hosted in October 1993 an international conference for the
purpose of producing an aid package for Palestinians to develop
the infrastructure and economy in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.
More than 40 nations, including Israel, pledged nearly $2 billion
in assistance to be administered by the World Bank.
The nature
of the economies in Israel and the territories is such that linkage
is desirable, and trade with Israel and investment by Israeli firms
in the West Bank and Gaza Strip will be important for economic expansion
among the Palestinians. The U.S. and others are encouraging the
Palestinians to resist pressures from within their own community
to separate totally from Israel. They also are pressing Arab nations
to end their economic boycott against Israel and foreign firms doing
business with Israel, an action Arab countries have thus far refused
to do, despite the PLO agreement with Israel and the adverse impact
the boycott will have on Palestinian economic development in the
territories. (See continuing and urgent section on the Arab economic
boycott.)
There
also are deep concerns about the posture of Syria, which continues
to build up its offensive military capabilities and to provide a
base for Palestinian extremists opposed to the peace process. Syria's
influence apparently has slowed Jordan's movement towards signing
a peace treaty with Israel. While Prime Minister Rabin has indicated
a willingness to negotiate territorial arrangements on the Golan
Heights, Syria continues to exhibit reluctance in defining its interpretation
of peace and what security arrangements it is prepared to consider
on its border with Israel. The Clinton Administration, acknowledging
that Syria can pose grave dangers to the peace process in general,
has been expanding efforts to bring about progress in the Israel-Syria
track, including a meeting between Presidents Clinton and Assad
in Geneva in January 1994. On a positive note, Syria has agreed
to help locate Israeli MIAs, and is allowing Syrian Jews who wish
to emigrate to do so.
In the
meantime, the multilateral working groups dealing with water use,
arms control, refugees, economic development and the environment
continue to meet regularly, contributing to the overall climate
of peacemaking in the region. Tunisia, Oman and Qatar have hosted
multilateral meetings attended by Israeli officials, and there are
indications that other Arab countries not yet at peace with Israel
will be hosting future sessions.
Recognizing
the pivotal role of the U.S. in facilitating progress in all tracks
of the peace process, the Jewish community relations field has undertaken
a major educational campaign to explain these issues within the
Jewish community as well as to the broader American public in order
to build sustained support for active U.S. engagement in the process.
At its annual policy conference in February 1994, the NJCRAC, following
presentations by Deputy Foreign Minister Dr. Yossi Beilin and Likud
Party Chairman Benjamin Netanyahu., overwhelmingly adopted a resolution
expressing strong support for the peace process, the approach of
the Rabin government, and the role of the Clinton Administration.
Priority
Strategic Goals
The Jewish Community
Relations Field Should
- work with the Jewish
community and other faith and ethnic groups to broaden American
public understanding of the peace process and the risks related
to it, and to build public support for Israeli government initiatives
and United States involvement in the process;
- convey to the Adminstration,
the Congress and other decision-makers and opinion-molders the
need for the U.S. to:
- play a leading
role as facilitator of the peace process without attempting
to impose any solutions on the parties to the negotiations;
- deepen the strategic
alliance with Israel and maintain current levels of foreign
aid as Israel enters a period of new risks resulting from
developments in the peace process (see section on U.S.-Israel
Relations);
- consistent with
existing policy opposing all school-sponsored prayer, continue
to oppose graduation prayer in the public schools, including
student initiated prayer, as violative of students' religious
liberty and participate as amicus in cases in the federal
courts testing such situations;
- press Saudi Arabia
and other Arab countries to end the Arab economic boycott;
- press the Arab
states to normalize their relationship with Israel, including
establishing full diplomatic and economic relations;
- monitor closely
and work to ensure PLO compliance with its agreements signed
with Israel;
- encourage the
international community in providing economic and technological
assistance to the Palestinians in the territories; press for
cooperative economic development projects that involve the
Palestinians, Israel and Arab states.
- interpret to the Administration,
Congress and influentials the basis of the Jewish community's
position in support of Jerusalem as the undivided capital of Israel
and give special emphasis to the basic right of all inhabitants
of Jerusalem to live in all parts of the city in peace, while
respecting the sensitivities of Jerusalem's neighborhoods;
- actively support and
participate in efforts to increase public awareness of the fate
of the Israelis missing-in-action, to obtain information regarding
their situation and to assist in securing their safe return;
- encourage a primary
focus on private investment and the development of business ties
between Israel and international companies.
Dissent:
The
Jewish War Veterans of the U.S.A. (JWV) continues its dissent from
a change in the language which recognizes and limits itself to "the
basic right of all inhabitants" to live in all parts of Jerusalem,
rather than "the basic right of Jews " to live in all parts of Jerusalem.
The JWV also believes that caution must be exercised when discussing
the Israel-PLO agreement with Palestinian leaders, for just as Jewish
groups have invited Palestinian representatives to their forums,
reciprocity is not yet forthcoming.
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